By Garrett P. (Putman) Serviss
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71 Tien’s political loyalty to both Tung and Beijing was partial and conditional, but he succeeded in influencing Donald Tsang’s re-election as the chief executive in March 2007. In exchange for Tien’s political support, Tsang had little choice but to quickly appoint him as the head of the Tourism Development Board, Patron-Client Pluralism and Beijing’s Relations with Hong Kong 33 which under the previous headship Liberal Party member Selina Chow had been criticized for failure to supervise the mismanagement of the former director Chong Ming-wah.
If these multiple perspectives are applied to solve the problem of Taiwan’s political future, they would have to be revised or jettisoned so that the “one country, two systems” would become politically attractive to the ROC on Taiwan. First and foremost, Taiwan will surely find the PRC politico-legal control over the HKSAR unacceptable and counter-productive to any solutions on the island. Similarly, the nomenklatura system cannot be applied to the Taiwan problem, for it would be seen as clandestine political infiltration into the island.
The most conspicuous planning, yet without much coordination and consequences, was the idea of encouraging Hong Kong business people to invest in mainland China’s northwest. The Tung administration led a delegation to visit northwest China, but it remains highly doubtful whether more Hong Kong businessmen are really far more interested in investing in Shannxi, Qinghai, Xinjiang, and Gansu provinces than ever before. The lack of common dialect and local culture makes northwest China far less attractive to the Hong Kong business people than Guangdong province, which remains the most convenient place for their strategic investment.
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